Waxaan jeclahay in wax yar aan ka iraahdo ama aan u bayaaniyo dadka ama xildhibaanada ku mashquulsan xilka-ka-qaadista Madaxwaynaha, in wadiiqooyinka loo marayo aysan sahal ahayn oo caqabado badan oo waqti lumis iyo hantiba ay galayso. Sida ku cad dastuur kasta ee waddamada addunka “impeachment” waa eedayn ama dacwo ku oogid madaxwayna ama mas’ul sare ee ka tirsan Dowladda sida ku cad ama ku qeexan dastuur kasta ee wadamada addunka ee dimoqoraadiga ah.

Haddan wax ka iraahdo dastuurka Soomalia ee Kmg wuxuu qorayaa Art. 92 in eedayn ama dacwo ku oogid xilka Madaxwaynaha 92(1) wuxuu qeexayaa in Aqalka dadka ama Golaha shacabku uu soo jeedi karo shaqo ka joogin Madaxwaynaha Dowladda Federaalka ah, haddii lagu eedeeyo khiyaano qaran, ku xadgudub dastuurka iyo shuruucda kale ee dowladda Federaalka ah. 2. Mooshinka xil ka qaadista Madaxwaynaha waxaa soo jeedi kara wax aan ka yareen One Third saddex daloo/dalool xubnaha Golaha shacabka, waxayna u gudbinayaan 3. Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ah, oo galaysa dacwada eedaynta (impeachment process) waxay go’aaminaysaa ama go’aan ka gaaraysa sharci ahaanta iyo xaqiiqda dacwada la soo oogay.

Madaxwaynaha waxaa xilka looga qaadi karaa markii la helo two/third codka xildhibaanada Golaha shacabka. 4. Markii xilka laga qaado Madaxwaynaha sida uu qorayo clauses 1-3 ee qodobkaan Afhayeenka Baarlamaanka ayaa la wareegaya waajibaadkii Madaxwaynaha.

Article 92. Impeachment and Discharging of Duties of the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia

(1) The House of the People of the Federal Parliament can propose the dismissal of the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia if he is accused of treason, or gross violation of the Constitution or the laws of the Federal Republic of Somalia.

(2) The motion for dismissing the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia may be introduced by no less than one-third (1/3) of the total membership of the House of the People of the Federal Parliament, and may be presented to the Constitutional Court, which shall preside over the case to see whether it has legal grounds.

(3) If the Constitutional Court determines that the case has legal grounds, the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia may be dismissed by a two-thirds (2/3) majority vote of the total membership of the two Houses of the Federal Parliament.

(4) In the event of the dismissal of the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, in accordance with Clauses 1-3 of this Article the Speaker of the House of the People of the Federal Parliament shall assume the duties of the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia.

Haddaba, sida ku cad Dastuurka KMG ee Dowladda Federaalka ee Soomaaliya, ma jirto wax la yiraah Maxkamad Dastuuri ah oo qaadda dacwadaan oo kale iyo aqalka senate-ka oo noqon laha jurors sida ay qabaan dowladaha isticmaalna Federaalka, kuwaas oo aan weli la suubin ama la hirgelin sida ku qoran dastuurka.

Waxaa igu maqaalaa in la yiri waxaa loo gudbiyay Maxkamadda Sare, oo haba yaraatee aan meel kaga qornayn dastuurka in ay geli karto (impeachment process) ama ay hagto sharci ahaanta eedaynta Goalaha shacabka.

Maxkamadda Sare ma leh awood-qaadista (determination of impeachment trial) ama qeexida ama go’aan ka qaadashada arrimahaan oo kale, waayo by-laws-ka ama xeer hoosaadka iyo qaab dhismeedka sharciyan meel ugama taalo dastuuriyan, umana haysto awooddii/aqoontii dastuuriyan iyo awoodda meel-marinteeda intaba.

Dastuurku wuxuu si cad u qeexaya in ay jirto Maxkamad dastuuri ah oo keliya, waana midda aan ciwaanka uga dhigay maqaalkayga in Mooshinka Baarlamaanku yahay “Null and Void”.

Marka la eego sida ku cad mooshinka Goalaha shacabka waxaa Madaxwaynaha lagu soo eedayay khiyaano qaran, musuq-maasuq iyo ku-xadgudub dastuur, iyo shuruucda kale ee waddanka u degsan (indictable crimes).

Waxay arrimahaas dhammaantood u baahan yihiin caddayn waafi ah oo maraysa Maxkammad dastuuri ah iyo Golihii Senate-ka oo jurors ka noqon lahaa oo aan waddanka weli ka jirin ma dhici karto in Madaxwaynaha si sharciyan ah xilka looga qaado .

Haddii ay jiri lahayd Maxkamad dastuuri ah, iyo aqalkii senate-ka oo ay go’aan waafi ah ka Gaari lahayd mooshinka xil-ka qaadista, la heli lahaana two-third majority ee xildhibaanada golaha shacabka ayaa go’aankaasi u noqon lahaa kama dambays, waayo xil ka qaadista waxaa ku lifaaqan fal -dambiyeed (indictable crimes) oo u baahan in Madaxwaynuhu is difaaco, kana qaato appeal go’aan kasta ee ka soo baxa Maxkamadda qaadaysa fal dambiyeedkaas. Waxaa iyana meesha ka maqnayn iska hor-imaad sharciyeed ( conflict of laws) in caddaymihii ay golaha Baarlamaanku keeneen Maxkamadda dastuuriga ah in aysan mar kale keeni Karin Maxkamadda qaadaysta danbi ciqaabeedka

(criminal court trial), loona baahan yahay caddaymo cusub (new evidence).

Sida aan horay u soo sheegay, marka qof Madaxwaynaha ama mas’uul kale lagu soo eedeeyo xil ka qaadis danbiyada culayskaas leh ma aha xilka keliya ee qofku weeynayo ee wuxuu marayaa maxkamad danbiyada lagu soo eedeeyay oo ku cad xeerka ciqaabta iyo fal-danbiyeedkaas oo ay fulinayso Maxkamaddda danbiyada( Criminal courts ) iyadoo la marsiinayo habka ciqaabta ee xeer danbiyeedka Soomalia.

Waxaa jira (four schools of thought) marka la eegayo the legal standard (hab sharciyeedka) Presidential impeachment:

1. Parliamentary interpretation.

What is an impeachable offence?.

Inta badan xubnaha baarlamaanada addunku waxay ku macneeyaan “impeachable offence” whatever offense or offenses that two-thirds of the parliamentarians considers to be sufficiently serious to require removal of the accused from office. Arrintaan waxaa inta badan ka soo horjeeda sharci-yaqaanada addunka (legal scholars) waayo, waxay u ekaanaysa in Madaxwaynuhu ku shaqeeyo rabitaanka Golaha sharci dajinta ama Baarlamaanka, oo markii ay arrintooda ama maslaxadooda ka waayaan Madaxwaynaha ku la gagaba mooshin xil-ka qaadis. Arrintaan waxaa qaba inta badan dadka si gaarka ah ugu takhasus (constitutional law).

2. An indictable crime

Arrintan waxay tilmaamaysa in Madaxwaynuhu galay danbi –constitutional standard makes it necessary for a president to have committed an indictable crime in order to be subjected to impeachment and removal from office. Arrintaan waa in loo meel-mariyo sida ku cad dastuurka oo aan wadiiqooyin kale loo adeegsan

Dastuurka Soomaaliya wuxuu dhigayaa in Maxkamadda Dastuuriga keliya ay qaadki karto.

3. Ma aha in loo adeegsado indictable crime xil-ka qaadista Madaxwaynaha (an indictable crime is not required to impeach and remove a President. It looks like a misdemeanor and mal-adminstration which did not have a specific criminal connotation) Eedaymaha Madaxwaynaha haddii aad si fiican u dhuuxdo waxay u eg yihiin “misdemeanor” ama maamul xumo “mal-adminstration”.

4. An indictable crime is not required but that the impeachable act or acts done by the President must in some way relate to his official duties. The bad act may or may not be a crime but it would be more serious than simply maladministration.

Waxaan kaloo jeclahay in aan ku soo gunnaanado warbixintayda in aan la isku raacsanayn xil-ka qaadista marka ay gaarto heer Madaxwayne waayo waxaa soo galaya oo hoosta ka hurinaya arrimo siyaasadeed oo mid walba dano gaar ah uu uga dan leeyahay, mana ka marna xikmadda oranaysa “The end justifies the means” (Macchiavelian Politics). Arrintaan oo kale, ama mooshinka xil-ka qaadista Madaxwaynaha waa arrin kha-khal gelinaysaa dalka, nabadgalyada iyo inta yar ee la haysto, ma ahan in waddo kasta loo maro si aad u gaartid dantaada shakhsiga ah, ee caqligu ha shaqeeyo.

M ii muuqato hab sharci ah ama dastuuri ah oo Madaxwaynaha looga qaadi karo inta ka harsan Waqtiga xilkiisa, waayo ma la hayo Procedure-kii iyo sharcigii looga qaadi lahaa xilka.

Waxan mar kale, ku boori lahaa xildhibaanada in Shaqada u taala ay gutaan ayaguna sharciga dhowraan. Waxaa yaab ila noqotay sida xildhibaanadii sharciga ku tumanay iyo musuq-maasuqa, dayacayna shaqadoodii in ay Madaxswaynaha ku soo eedeeyaan shaqo gudasho la’aan iyadoo marqaati ma doonto ah oo Live looga fiirsanaayo TV-sha caalamka in xildhibaano ay maqas ku jarjaraayaan fiilooyinkii iyo Microphones Baarlamaanka yiilay. Xildhibaanadaas ma oga waxa ay jar-jarayaan in ay tahay hanti qaran (state properties), ficilkooduna uu yahay criminal acts ay ka galeen qaranka Soomaaliyeed. Waayo badankood waxaa ku yar aqoonta maba kala garanayaan in waxa uu burburinayaa ay tahay hanta qaran, wax ilaa iyo haddana danbi ku soo oogay aysan jirin. Qofkaas ma noqon kara qof sharci dajiye ah, ama laga sugi karo shuruuc waddanka lagu hago in uu keeno. Fadlan, xildhibaanada sharafta leh, ha ku mashquulinina wax aan dan u ahayn ummadda Soomaaliyeed, iyo mooshin ma dhalays ah.

Dr. Khalif M Duale

Former diplomat and legal scholar